Saturday, October 21, 2023

Women were hunters, too

 

It’s a familiar story to many of us: In prehistoric times, men were hunters and women were gatherers. Women were not physically capable of hunting because their anatomy was different from men. And because men were hunters, they drove human evolution.


Also see: 

https://archaeologynewsreport.blogspot.com/2020/11/early-big-game-hunters-of-americas-were.html

But that story’s not true, according to research by University of Delaware anthropology professor Sarah Lacy, which was recently published in Scientific American and in two papers in the journal American Anthropologist. 

Lacy and her colleague Cara Ocobock from the University of Notre Dame examined the division of labor according to sex during the Paleolithic era, approximately 2.5 million to 12,000 years ago. Through a review of current archaeological evidence and literature, they found little evidence to support the idea that roles were assigned specifically to each sex. The team also looked at female physiology and found that women were not only physically capable of being hunters, but that there is little evidence to support that they were not hunting.

Lacy is a biological anthropologist who studies the health of early humans, and Ocobock is a physiologist who makes analogies between modern day and the fossil record. Friends in graduate school, they collaborated after “complaining about a number of papers that had come out that used this default null hypothesis that cavemen had strong gendered division of labor, the males hunt, females gather things. We were like, ‘Why is that the default? We have so much evidence that that's not the case,’” Lacy said.

The researchers found examples of equality for both sexes in ancient tools, diet, art, burials and anatomy. 

“People found things in the past and they just automatically gendered them male and didn't acknowledge the fact that everyone we found in the past has these markers, whether in their bones or in stone tools that are being placed in their burials. We can't really tell who made what, right? We can't say, ‘Oh, only males flintknap,’ because there's no signature left on the stone tool that tells us who made it,” Lacy said, referring to the method by which stone tools were made. “But from what evidence we do have, there appears to be almost no sex differences in roles.” 

The team also examined the question of whether anatomical and physiological differences between men and women prevented women from hunting. They found that men have an advantage over women in activities requiring speed and power, such as sprinting and throwing, but that women have an advantage over men in activities requiring endurance, such as running. Both sets of activities were essential to hunting in ancient times.

The team highlighted the role of the hormone estrogen, which is more prominent in women than men, as a key component in conferring that advantage. Estrogen can increase fat metabolism, which gives muscles a longer-lasting energy source and can regulate muscle breakdown, preventing muscles from wearing down. Scientists have traced estrogen receptors, proteins that direct the hormone to the right place in the body, back to 600 million years ago. 

“When we take a deeper look at the anatomy and the modern physiology and then actually look at the skeletal remains of ancient people, there's no difference in trauma patterns between males and females, because they're doing the same activities,” Lacy said.

During the Paleolithic era, most people lived in small groups. To Lacy, the idea that only part of the group would hunt didn’t make sense. 

“You live in such a small society. You have to be really, really flexible,” she said. “Everyone has to be able to pick up any role at any time. It just seems like the obvious thing, but people weren't taking it that way.” 

Man the Hunter

The theory of men as hunters and women as gatherers first gained notoriety in 1968, when anthropologists Richard B. Lee and Irven DeVore published Man the Hunter, a collection of scholarly papers presented at a symposium in 1966. The authors made the case that hunting advanced human evolution by adding meat to prehistoric diets, contributing to the growth of bigger brains, compared to our primate cousins. The authors assumed all hunters were male. 

Lacy points to that gender bias by previous scholars as a reason why the concept became widely accepted in academia, eventually spreading to popular culture. Television cartoons, feature films, museum exhibits and textbooks reinforced the idea. When female scholars published research to the contrary, their work was largely ignored or devalued.

“There were women who were publishing about this in the ’70s, ’80s and ’90s, but their work kept getting relegated to, ‘Oh, that's a feminist critique or a feminist approach,’” Lacy said. “This was before any of the work on genetics and a lot of the work on physiology and the role of estrogen had come out. We wanted to both lift back up the arguments that they had already made and add to it all the new stuff.” 

Lacy said the “man the hunter” theory continues to influence the discipline. While she acknowledges that much more research needs to be done about the lives of prehistoric people — especially women — she hopes her view that labor was divided among both sexes will become the default approach for research in the future. 

For 3 million years, males and females both participated in subsistence gathering for their communities, and dependence on meat and hunting was driven by both sexes, Lacy said.

“It's not something that only men did and that therefore male behavior drove evolution,” she said. “What we take as de facto gender roles today are not inherent, do not characterize our ancestors. We were a very egalitarian species for millions of years in many ways.”

Dingoes given ‘almost-human’ status in pre-colonial Australia

It's said that a dog is a man’s best friend, but the wild dingo is much maligned in Australia. This may not always have been the case though, with new research led by experts at The Australian National University and The University of Western Australia suggesting that dingoes were buried – and even domesticated – by First Nations people prior to European colonisation. 

The researchers examined remains at the Curracurrang archaeological site, south of Sydney, where radiocarbon dating of dingo bones revealed the animals were buried alongside humans as far back as 2,000 years ago. 

The care taken to bury the animals suggests a closer relationship between humans and dingoes than many previously realised, according to lead researcher Dr Loukas Koungoulos. 

“Not all camp dingoes were given burial rites, but in all areas in which the burials are recorded, the process and methods of disposal are identical or almost identical to those associated with human rites in the same area,” Dr Koungoulos said. 

“This reflects the close bond between people and dingoes and their almost-human status.” 

The burials weren’t the only sign that Australia’s First Peoples domesticated wild dingoes, however, with severely worn teeth found at the site suggesting a diet heavy in large bones, likely from scraps from human meals. 

The researchers also identified remains of dingoes of varying ages at the site – from pups to animals aged six to eight years. This shows that First Nations people didn’t just care for young dingoes before they returned to the wild, but that they built much more substantial relationships, the researchers argued. 

“These findings mark an important development in our understanding of the relationship between Australia’s First Peoples and dingoes,” co-author Professor Susan O’Connor said. 

“By the time Europeans settled in Australia, the bond between dingoes and Indigenous people was entrenched. This is well known by Indigenous people and has been documented by observers. 

“Our work shows that they had long-lasting relationships prior to European colonisation, not just the transient, temporary associations recorded during the colonial era.” 

The research is published in PLOS One. 

Thursday, October 19, 2023

The encounter between Neanderthals and Sapiens as told by their genomes

 

About 40,000 years ago, Neanderthals, who had lived for hundreds of thousands of years in the western part of the Eurasian continent, gave way to Homo sapiens, who had arrived from Africa. This replacement was not sudden, and the two species coexisted for a few millennia, resulting in the integration of Neanderthal DNA into the genome of Sapiens. Researchers at the University of Geneva (UNIGE) have analyzed the distribution of the portion of DNA inherited from Neanderthals in the genomes of humans (Homo sapiens) over the last 40,000 years. These statistical analyses revealed subtle variations in time and geographical space. This work, published in the journal Science Advances, helps us to understand the common history of these two species. 


Thanks to genome sequencing and comparative analysis, it is established that Neanderthals and Sapiens interbred and that these encounters were sometimes fruitful, leading to the presence of about 2% of DNA of Neanderthal origin in present-day Eurasians. However, this percentage varies slightly between regions of Eurasia, since DNA from Neanderthals is somewhat more abundant in the genomes of Asian populations than in those of European populations.


One hypothesis to explain this difference is that natural selection would not have had the same effect on genes of Neanderthal origin in Asian and European populations. Mathias Currat’s team, senior lecturer in the Department of Genetics and Evolution at the UNIGE Faculty of Science, is working on another hypothesis. His previous work, based on computer simulations, suggests that such differences could be explained by migratory flows: when a migrant population hybridizes with a local population, in their area of cohabitation, the proportion of DNA of the local population tends to increase with distance from the point of departure of the migrant population.


Europe: a territory shared by both species

In the case of Sapiens and Neanderthals, the hypothesis is that the further one moves away from Africa, Homo sapiens’ point of origin, the greater the proportion of DNA from Neanderthal, a population mainly located in Europe. To test this hypothesis, the authors used a database made available by Harvard Medical School that includes more than 4,000 genomes from individuals who have lived in Eurasia over the past 40 millennia.


‘‘Our study is mainly focused on European populations since we are obviously dependent on the discovery of bones and the state of conservation of DNA. It turns out that archaeological excavations have been much more numerous in Europe, which greatly facilitates the study of the genomes of European populations,’’ explains Claudio Quilodrán, senior research and teaching assistant in the Department of Genetics and Evolution at the UNIGE Faculty of Science, and co-first author of the study.


Statistical analyses revealed that, in the period following the dispersal of Homo sapiensfrom Africa, the genomes of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers who lived in Europe contained a slightly higher proportion of DNA of Neanderthal origin than the genomes of those who lived in Asia. This result is contrary to the current situation but in agreement with paleontological data, since the presence of Neanderthals was mainly reported in western Eurasia (no Neanderthal bones have been discovered further east than the Altai region of Siberia).


The arrival of Anatolian farmers modifies genomes

Subsequently, during the transition to the Neolithic, i.e. the transition from the hunter-gatherer lifestyle to the farmer lifestyle, 10,000 to 5,000 years ago, the study shows a decline in the proportion of DNA of Neanderthal origin in the genomes of European populations, resulting in a slightly lower percentage than that of Asian populations (as currently observed). This decrease coincided with the arrival in Europe of the first farmers from Anatolia (Turkey’s western peninsula) and the Aegean area, who themselves carried a lower proportion of DNA of Neanderthal origin than the inhabitants of Europe at the same time. By mixing with the populations of Europe, the genomes of farmers from Anatolia ‘‘diluted’’ Neanderthal DNA a little more.


This study shows that the analysis of ancient genomes, coupled with archaeological data, makes it possible to trace different stages in the history of hybridized species. ‘‘In addition, we are beginning to have enough data to describe more and more precisely the percentage of DNA of Neanderthal origin in the genome of Sapiens at certain periods of prehistory. Our work can therefore serve as a reference for future studies to more easily detect genetic profiles that deviate from the average and might therefore disclose an advantageous or disadvantageous effect,’’ concludes Mathias Currat, last author of the study.

Wednesday, October 18, 2023

New dating of cave art reveals history of Puerto Rican people

In the karstic caves of Puerto Rico, cave art paints the rock walls. Previous research has assigned ages to this art based on the ages of nearby archaeological artifacts within the caves, but these ages are relative and may not reflect the true timing of the art creation.

Now, a new study to be presented Wednesday at the Geological Society of America’s GSA Connects 2023 meeting shows that researchers have refined the age of this rupestrian art by dating the pigment in the drawings. Angel Acosta-Colon, a geophysicist at University of Puerto Rico (UPR) at Arecibo, will present the findings.

In Puerto Rican caves, there are three types of art: petroglyphs (carved into the rock), pyroglyphs (drawn from the burnt remnants of objects), and pictographs, or cave drawings. Acosta-Colon says these pictograph drawings are in organic black material, perfect for radiocarbon dating.

Acosta-Colon and his colleague Reniel Rodríguez, an archaeologist at UPR Utuado, visited 11 different caves on La Isla Grande, the big island of the Puerto Rican archipelago. From these caves, they sampled 61 pigments in pictographic art.

The researchers were thoughtful about which art to sample, sampling art that is commonly seen and not unique. “[The pictographs] are not an infinite resource—they are limited,” explains Acosta-Colon. “So if we touch one, we touch it forever and for the future generations, we are not allowing the pleasure of seeing what we see.”

They were also conservative about how much of the material they collected, as sampling destroys a small area of the art. Acosta-Colon says that they take 1 to 2 mg samples from the black markings on cave walls for their analyses.

They ran the microsamples through the Center for Applied Isotope Studies (AIS) at the University of Georgia to get carbon-14 ages for the artwork. The earliest pictographs of abstract, geometrical shapes were dated to ca. 700–400 BCE, coinciding with the Archaic Age.

“That is very important to us because when the European Invasion came to Puerto Rico, they put in a document that our precolonial population was only there for 400 to 500 years,” says Acosta-Colon. “So this proves that we were here [thousands] of years before the European Invasion, and that is documented in science, not context archeology.”

They found that more anthropological-type drawings—with simple shapes of human bodies—were drawn between 200 and 400 CE. “We have gaps of time and that's interesting because we don't know what happened,” says Acosta-Colon, adding that they could fill those gaps with more sampling around the island.

The research team also found more detailed human and animal drawings that were created between 700 and 800 CE. These types of drawings continued throughout the next century, extending through European colonization (around 1500 CE), and include images of horses, ships, and other animals.

Within the array of animals, they discovered a particularly unusual find. “We have an image that looks like a lion—but in Puerto Rico, we don’t have lions,” says Acosta-Colon. When he and Rodriguez considered who could have seen a lion, they thought about the slaves that were brought to the island by the Spanish.

The idea, he notes, is controversial. “But the age of the art is around 1500,” he says. “We have data to corroborate what, I think, is one of the first slave art in caves in Puerto Rico.”

Understanding when these pictographs were created helps explain the history of the Puerto Rican people, says Acosta-Colon. “Normally we get the European history version of Puerto Rico, but this is direct evidence that the story in Puerto Rico didn’t start with the European Invasion, it started much, much earlier in history,” he notes.

He believes that studying more cave art sites may push back the human history record to 5000 BCE. This art, along with archeological finds, can reconstruct the “history of our people, from Archaic people, to the Taino people to the pre-Columbian time. 

European ancestors ate seaweed and freshwater plants

 

Tomb of the Eagles 

IMAGE: 

THE STONE BUILDING IS ISBISTER IN ORKNEY, ALSO KNOWN AS TOMB OF THE EAGLES WHERE SOME OF THE SEAWEED SAMPLES ANALYSED IN THE STUDY CAME FROM.

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CREDIT: PROFESSOR KAREN HARDY

For many people seaweed holds a reputation as a superfood, heralded for its health benefits and sustainability, but it appears our European ancestors were ahead of the game and were consuming the nutrient-rich plant for thousands of years.

Researchers say they have found “definitive” archaeological evidence that seaweeds and other local freshwater plants were eaten in the mesolithic, through the Neolithic transition to farming and into the Early Middle Ages, suggesting that these resources, now rarely eaten in Europe, only became marginal much more recently.

The study, published in Nature Communications, reveals that while aquatic resources were exploited, the archaeological evidence for seaweed is only rarely recorded and is almost always considered in terms of non-edible uses like fuel, food wrappings or fertilisers.

Historical accounts report laws related to collection of seaweed in Iceland, Brittany and Ireland dating to the 10th Century, while sea kale is mentioned by Pliny as a sailor’s anti-scurvy remedy.

By the 18th Century seaweed was considered as famine food, and although seaweed and freshwater aquatic plants continue to be economically important in parts of Asia, both nutritionally and medicinally, there is little consumption in Europe.

The team, led by archaeologists from the universities of Glasgow and York, examined biomarkers extracted from dental calculus from 74 individuals from 28 archaeological sites across Europe, from north Scotland to southern Spain, which revealed “direct evidence for widespread consumption of seaweed and submerged aquatic and freshwater plants.”

Samples where biomolecular evidence survived revealed consumption of red, green or brown seaweeds, or freshwater aquatic plants, with one sample from Orkney also containing evidence for a Brassica, most likely sea kale. 

There are approximately 10,000 different species of seaweeds in the world, however only 145 species are eaten today, principally in Asia. 

The researchers hope that their study will highlight the potential for including more seaweeds and other local freshwater plants in our diets today - helping Europeans to become healthier and more sustainable.

Karen Hardy,  Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology at the University of Glasgow and Principal Investigator of the Powerful Plants project, said: “Today, seaweed and freshwater aquatic plants are virtually absent from traditional, western diets and their marginalisation as they gradually changed from food to famine resources and animal fodder, probably occurred over a long period of time, as has also been detected elsewhere with some plants.  

“Our study also highlights the potential for rediscovery of alternative, local, sustainable food resources that may contribute to addressing the negative health and environmental effects of over-dependence on a small number of mass-produced agricultural products that is a dominant feature of much of today’s western diet, and indeed the global long-distance food supply more generally.”

“It is very exciting to be able to show definitively that seaweeds and other local freshwater plants were eaten across a long period in our European past.”

Co author on the paper, Dr Stephen Buckley, from the Department of Archaeology at the University of York, said “The biomolecular evidence in this study is over three thousand years earlier than historical evidence in the Far East. 

“Not only does this new evidence show that seaweed was being consumed in Europe during the Mesolithic Period around 8,000 years ago when marine resources were known to have been exploited, but that it continued into the Neolithic when it is usually assumed that the introduction of farming led to the abandonment of marine dietary resources. 

“This strongly suggests that the nutritional benefits of seaweed were sufficiently well understood by these ancient populations that they maintained their dietary link with the sea.”

 

Tuesday, October 17, 2023

A non-exploitative economy favored the splendor of the Iberian Peninsula's Copper Age communities

 

Peer-Reviewed Publication

UNIVERSITAT AUTONOMA DE BARCELONA

A non-exploitative economy favored the splendor of  the Iberian Peninsula's Copper Age communities 

IMAGE: 

GRINDING TOOL FROM THE CHALCOLITHIC SETTLEMENT OF CASTELO DE CORTE JOÃO MARQUES, ALGARVE (PHOTO JOSÉ PAULO RUAS, MUSEU NACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGIA, PORTUGAL).

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CREDIT: JOSÉ PAULO RUAS, MUSEU NACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGIA, PORTUGAL

  • A study by UAB researchers describes the productive forces of these communities as being very diverse, both in the type of tasks performed and in intensity, with a high degree of cooperation and no apparent signs of dependence between the different types of settlements or of political centralization.
  • The work, based on the analysis of macrolithic tool data and the additional support of bioarchaeological information, allows to confirm the large ditched enclosure of Valencina de la Concepción (Seville) as a macro-populated area, inhabited by thousands of people, and not only as a place of worship.

The richness and productive diversity of the Chalcolithic communities of the southern half of the Iberian Peninsula, dating back 5,100 to 4,200 years ago, were produced without signs of economic exploitation or marked social hierarchies and with a high degree of cooperation. This economic organization, based on a great variety of resources and tasks, was present in almost all settlements, independently of their type or dimensions, and would have been crucial for the great social, architectural and demographic dynamics and development reached by the societies of the peninsular Copper Age.

This is the conclusion of researchers from the Department of Prehistory of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) Marina Eguíluz, Selina Delgado-Raack and Roberto Risch in a study published in the Journal of World Prehistory, in which they analysed data on large stone tools (macrolithic artifacts) from the Copper Age to learn about the economic pattern of the different types of settlements that existed.

"Determining whether these settlements were distinguished by specific modes of production, with a characteristic economy between monumental ditched or fortified enclosures versus those located on hills and more open spaces, is fundamental to the ongoing debate on whether or not it is relevant to talk about social complexity when we refer to the Chalcolithic societies of the Iberian Peninsula and their political organization," explains Marina Eguíluz.

The Copper Age communities of the Iberian Peninsula produced one of the most important archaeological records of late prehistory, but at the same time also one of the most puzzling for specialists. How and why they achieved this great economic and social complexity, made evident by the number and size of the settlements, the creative capacity reflected in their objects, and the enormous circulation of goods that took place, is still a matter of debate.

Much variability and no signs of political centralization

The study describes the productive forces of these communities based, above all, on the macrolithic artifacts, essential tools for achieving a large part of the tasks undertaken in the Copper Age. The result is the finding of a great variability, both in the type of tasks performed and in their intensity, and without apparent signs of political dependence or centralization. This variability prevailed over specialization, particularly in cereal production, and is not explained by aspects such as geographical location, form of occupation or monumentality.

There is nothing to indicate that the fortified settlements stored large amounts of surplus and dominated the ditched settlements or vice versa, researchers point out. "What we observe is that productive diversity and, one would think, the exchange of products, knowledge and people between communities was fundamental in this period of exceptional economic, social and creative development," says Selina Delgado-Raak.

Each community would have organized its economy in the most productive way possible, taking into account its surroundings, population size and social conditions. The large ditched settlements had all the tools necessary to carry out the routine work of a community, without specific accumulations of certain materials, such as cereals or arrowheads.

This result is especially relevant in the case of the monumental site of Valencina de la Concepción (Seville), with an extension of more than 250 hectares and multiple ditches. "The study of more than 150 macrolithic artifacts from the northern part of the site has made it possible to correlate subsistence activities such as milling or stone and fiber-work with habitation structures, confirming that this was a macro settlement occupied by thousands of inhabitants and not a place of worship," said Marina Eguíluz.

Cooperative affluent societies

The strategy of productive diversity detected would be in line with what researchers have called 'cooperative affluent societies' of the late prehistory of Europe and the Middle East. "These societies were characterized by generating considerable material wealth and at the same time limiting the possibility of exploitation of the labor force and, consequently, the production of surplus value, contrary to what happened later with the Argar society," explains Roberto Risch. "Their organization challenges a unique thought of our times, according to which the production of wealth of any historical era requires the presence of a ruling class or group," adds the researcher.

The organization proposed by the researchers does not imply that violence was a foreign element to Chalcolithic Iberia. In fact, the findings at some sites suggest that there was, "but it was not an omnipresent aspect, a fact that is also confirmed by the anthropological record. Instead of a means to subjugate the population and demand obedience, violence could have been a strategy to achieve the opposite, i.e., to defend a rich society with a high degree of cooperation," says Roberto Risch.

In the study, the researchers analysed macrolithic artifacts that Copper Age groups from eighteen sites used for a multitude of tasks, such as grinding cereals, processing food, crushing minerals, cutting stones, waterproofing ceramics, dressing leather, forging and sharpening metal tools and weapons, felling trees and working wood, or butchering animals. "These are key tools for understanding the economy of a society and how tasks are distributed," explain the researchers. The results obtained are in line with other bioarchaeological data (botany, fauna, paleo-nutritional) available for sites of the same period.

Saturday, October 14, 2023

How an ancient society in the Sahara Desert rose and fell with groundwater

 GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA

Garamantes Map Location 

IMAGE: 

MAP LOCATION AND SATELLITE AERIAL IMAGERY SHOWING THE REGION AND LANDSCAPE WHERE ANCIENT SOCIETIES AND GARAMANTES LIVED. IMAGE FROM NASA/LUCA PIETRANERA.

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CREDIT: NASA/LUCA PIETRANERA: With its low quantities of rain and soaring high temperatures, the Sahara Desert is often regarded as one of the most extreme and least habitable environments on Earth. While the Sahara was periodically much greener in the distant past, an ancient society living in a climate very similar to today’s found a way to harvest water in the seemingly dry Sahara—thriving until the water ran out.

New research that will be presented Monday, 16 Oct., at the Geological Society of America’s GSA Connects 2023 meeting describes how a series of serendipitous environmental factors allowed an ancient Saharan civilization, the Garamantian Empire, to extract groundwater hidden in the subsurface, sustaining the society for nearly a millennia until the water was depleted.

“Societies rise and fall at the pleasure of the physical system, such that there are special features that let humanity grow up there,” says Frank Schwartz, professor in the School of Earth Sciences at The Ohio State University and lead author of the research study.

Monsoon rains had transformed the Sahara into a comparatively lush environment between 11,000 and 5,000 years ago, providing surface water resources and habitable environments for civilizations to thrive. When the monsoon rains stopped 5,000 years ago, the Sahara turned back into a desert, and civilizations retreated from the area—aside from an unusual outlier.

The Garamantes lived in the southwestern Libyan desert from 400 BCE to 400 CE under nearly the same hyper-arid conditions that exist there today and were the first urbanized society to become established in a desert that lacked a continuously flowing river. The surface water lakes and rivers of the “Green Sahara'' times were long gone by the time the Garamantes arrived, but there was luckily water stored underground in a large sandstone aquifer—potentially one of the largest aquifers in the world, according to Schwartz.

Camel trade routes from Persia through the Sahara brought the Garamantes technology on how to harvest groundwater using foggara or qanats. This method involved digging a slightly inclined tunnel into a hillside, to just below the water table. Groundwater would then flow down the tunnel and into irrigation systems. The Garamantes dug a total of 750 km of underground tunnels and vertical access shafts to harvest groundwater, with the greatest construction activity occurring between 100 BCE and 100 CE.

Schwartz integrates prior archaeological research with hydrologic analyses to understand how the local topography, geology, and unique runoff and recharge conditions produced the ideal hydrogeologic conditions for the Garamantes to be able to extract groundwater.

“Their qanats shouldn’t have actually worked, because the ones in Persia have annual water recharge from snowmelt, and there was zero recharge here,” says Schwartz.

The Garamantes had a significant streak of environmental luck, with the earlier wetter climate, appropriate topography, and unique groundwater settings, which made groundwater available with foggara technology. However, their luck ran out when groundwater levels fell below the foggara tunnels.

According to Schwartz, two trends are particularly concerning. First, extreme environments are becoming more prevalent around the world in countries like Iran. Second, it has become more common to use groundwater unsustainably.

“As you look at modern examples like the San Joaquin Valley, people are using the groundwater up at a faster rate than it’s being replenished,” says Schwartz. “California had a great wet winter this year, but that followed 20 years of drought. If the propensity for drier years continues, California will ultimately run into the same problem as the Garamantians. It can be expensive and ultimately impractical to replace depleted groundwater supplies.”

With no new water to replenish the aquifer and no surface water available, lack of water led to the downfall of the Garamantian Empire. The Garamantes serve as a cautionary tale for the power of groundwater as a resource, and the danger of its overuse.