Saturday, September 19, 2026

How 30,000 archaeological treasures were saved from destruction during Syria’s civil war


Peer-Reviewed Publication

University of Sharjah

2nd millennium statue from Syria’s Mesopotamian site of Mari 

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An ancient statue from the site of Mari, dating to the second millennium BCE.

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Credit: Yaarob Abdullah

By Leon Barkho, University of Sharjah

A new study sheds light on how Syrian archaeologists risked their lives to rescue approximately 30,000 priceless artifacts from the Deir ez-Zor Museum during the summers of 2014 and 2015 as the city faced the imminent threat of capture by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), also known as Daesh.

Situated on the banks of the Euphrates River near Iraq’s border, Deir ez-Zor is the capital of the province of the same name. The region contains some of Syria’s most important oil and gas fields, turning it into a fiercely contested battleground during the conflict.

Maamoun Abdulkarim, Professor of Archaeology and History at the University of Sharjah and author of the study published in Museum Management and Curatorship, said the significance of the rescue effort extends beyond the number of artifacts saved.

The researcher presents the operation as a compelling case study in protecting cultural heritage during wartime, particularly in light of the damage inflicted on museums and archaeological sites across the Middle East, including in Iraq, Libya, Sudan and Yemen.

According to Professor Abdulkarim, conducting a rescue mission amid active hostilities requires more than logistical planning. “It fundamentally involves decision-making, institutional resilience, trust, and the ability to adapt rapidly to changing circumstances,” he explained. “There is rarely a perfect moment to act during an armed conflict; often, delaying a decision in search of greater certainty poses a greater danger than acting under uncertainty.”

At the time, the researcher oversaw the operation as the Director-General of Syria's Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums (DGAM). Access to the city was severely restricted, with the museum connected to the military airport only through a narrow and highly vulnerable corridor, rendering the mission exceptionally dangerous.

Endangered heritage

There are no official estimates of the number of archaeologically significant sites in Syria, but the country’s antiquities department is said to have a file of about 10,000 sites.

These, however, are primarily locations that have either been excavated or identified through visible archaeological remains on the surface. Modern-day Syria forms part of the broader Mesopotamian cultural sphere, where some of the world’s earliest and most influential civilizations flourished.

Given that large areas of the country remain archaeologically unsurveyed, it is reasonable to estimate that Syria may contain tens of thousands of archaeologically significant sites.

Before the outbreak of the civil war in 2011, Syria was home to 35 archaeological museums spread across the country. Although not the largest among them, the Deir ez-Zor Museum ranked among the country’s most valuable institutions. Many of its priceless collections originated from renowned Mesopotamian civilizations and sites, including Halaf, Dura-Europos and Mari.

In his study, Professor Abdulkarim does not provide a precise estimate of the number of artifacts that were looted during the civil war, which lasted nearly a decade and a half. Nor does he specify how many of the country’s 35 museums escaped destruction or managed to preserve their collections intact.

He notes, however, that the period following 2014, when ISIS expanded its control over large parts of Syria and Iraq, represented “an important example of the sort of looting, destruction, and illicit trafficking of sites and museums that took place in this context.”

“This period formed a critical juncture, as it coincided with the fall of Mosul in Iraq, the looting of its civilizational museum, and the destruction of antiquities from Nineveh and Assyria,” he writes. “These occurrences compelled Syrian antiquities authorities to promptly reevaluate protection policies and expedite emergency measures in cities that were at risk of siege or collapse.”

In those catastrophic circumstances, Professor Abdulkarim came to understand that leadership was not about making easy decisions, but about having the courage to make the necessary decisions at the right moment, even when the personal and professional consequences could be severe.

“My foremost priority was the protection of cultural heritage, and I was prepared to bear whatever personal and professional risks and consequences those decisions might entail,” he explains.

During his tenure as DGAM’s Director-General from 2012 to 2017, approximately 300,000 museum artifacts were rescued and relocated to secure sites across Syria. “The artifacts accounted for the overwhelming majority of the country’s museum collections,” he said. “This included approximately 30,000 objects from the Deir ez-Zor Museum.”

Lessons for future rescue missions

In his research, Professor Abdulkarim delivers an important message to professionals engaged in protecting archaeological heritage during wars and crises. For him, artifacts are far more than priceless objects. They embody the collective memory and identity of humanity, transcending the borders of the countries in which they are found. “We did not rescue 30,000 objects simply to save 30,000 museum pieces. We were protecting thousands of years of memory that war threatened to erase,” he said.

“The 30,000 objects rescued from Deir ez-Zor represent more than just museum pieces; they hold thousands of years of human history and are part of the identity and memory of the communities in the Euphrates region.”

Reflecting on the operation to remove endangered collections from one of Syria’s most significant museums and relocate them to safety, Professor Abdulkarim emphasizes that timing is often the decisive factor in any rescue mission. Waiting for every uncertainty to be resolved, he warns, can mean missing the critical window for action.

“In a cultural emergency, waiting for perfect conditions can become more dangerous than acting under uncertainty,” he stressed. “Heritage protection during war is not only about what we save. It is also about when we decide to act, whom we trust, and how quickly we are prepared to adapt.”

He also highlights several other factors that are essential for safeguarding heritage in times of crisis, including competent personnel, effective institutions, meticulous inventories and documentation, and trusted colleagues on the ground.

“The most valuable resource during a crisis is not always money or technology,” he noted. “Sometimes it is trust, the trust between colleagues who can make the right decision when there is no time left for normal procedures.”

Perhaps most importantly, Professor Abdulkarim’s research demonstrates that risk management should be embedded within everyday heritage management rather than introduced after a crisis has begun.

The rescue of one of Syria’s most important archaeological museums offers a powerful lesson at a time when museums, archaeological sites, and cultural treasures across the region have repeatedly been subjected to destruction, looting and illicit trafficking in the aftermath of wars and civil unrest.

“The relationships, documentation, professional capacity, and trust required for effective emergency action must be established during periods of stability,” Professor Abdulkarim concluded. “They should not wait until a crisis erupts before taking action. These foundations cannot be built overnight.”


 

Thursday, September 17, 2026

The complex history of the plague after the Black Death


Peer-Reviewed Publication

Estonian Research Council

EMS001_Burial_25_DomatEms.jpg.jpg 

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Multiple burial of plague victims from Domat/Ems, Sogn Pieder (Switzerland) associated with the Plague of the Thirty Years’ War (c.1629–1631). Analyses of individual 24 yielded a full Yersinia pestis genome. Image credit: Archaeological Service of the Canton of Grisons.

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Credit: Image credit: Archaeological Service of the Canton of Grisons.

The Black Death is often remembered as a single catastrophic event that swept across Europe between 1347 and 1353, killing millions. Yet the disease did not disappear after that first devastating outbreak. For over four centuries, plague continued to return in recurring waves, reshaping communities, economies, and societies across Europe and beyond. A new study led by researchers at the University of Tartu sheds fresh light on this long and complex history by analysing the DNA of the plague bacterium preserved in archaeological human remains.

The researchers reconstructed 26 genomes of Yersinia pestis, the bacterium responsible for plague, from 11 archaeological sites in Estonia, Russia, England, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. The samples span a period from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries, covering much of the so-called Second Plague Pandemic.

The results reveal the complex history of plague with unprecedented resolution. Rather than persisting in a single location after the Black Death, plague repeatedly resurfaced in different parts of Europe over several centuries, seeding multiple new reservoirs. The researchers found evidence that plague was introduced multiple times into Estonia throughout much of the Second Plague Pandemic, showing that close connections with other parts of Europe also facilitated the spread of disease.

One of the study's most notable findings was evidence of a major expansion of plague lineages around 1450–1500. During this period, the bacterium diversified into three major branches that may have established new reservoirs in wild rodent populations.

The researchers speculate that climatic changes could have played a role. One possible factor is the Great Renaissance Drought. Modern studies have shown that climate strongly influences plague outbreaks among wild rodents, which serve as natural reservoirs of the disease.

“We found evidence for repeated introductions of plague into Estonia starting already in the late 14th century and identified several previously unknown genetic lineages, both in urban and rural settings” said senior author Prof. Kristiina Tambets.

 

More precise timeframe

One of the most innovative aspects of the study was a new method for assigning historical plague outbreaks to recovered plague genomes. The importance of this approach can be illustrated by comparing it with the COVID-19 pandemic. During the coronavirus crisis, scientists were able to track the spread of different variants because genome sequences came with precise collection dates. Historical pandemics are different: ancient remains are often dated only within broad radiocarbon intervals that can span more than a century.

“With COVID-19, scientists could reconstruct the spread of individual strains extremely well because the genomes came with precise timestamps. For historical pandemics, those timestamps are often missing or may cover more than 100 years, which limits our ability to interpret the genetic data,” the main author, Dr Marcel Keller, explained.

To overcome this challenge, the research team developed a method that improves the precision and accuracy of those intervals. By analysing the position of plague genomes on the bacterium's evolutionary tree, they were able to narrow down the likely dates of many samples and place them into a much clearer historical context.

The researchers then used these improved dates to reassess 64 previously published and 11 newly sequenced plague genomes. The result is the first systematic attempt to link nearly all currently available plague genomes from the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries with historically documented outbreaks.

“We were able to improve dating intervals for many samples, which allowed us to connect them to specific plague waves and outbreaks that were recorded in the respective towns or regions by chroniclers,” said historian and corresponding author Prof. Philip Slavin.

War helped spread disease

The study also highlights how strongly human activity shaped the course of plague epidemics. Newly analysed genomes provide additional evidence for outbreaks associated with the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) and the Great Northern War (c. 1700–1721). According to the researchers, plague frequently spread along the same routes used by armies, refugees and traders.

“We see how Yersinia pestis splits into new branches during periods of conflict and spreads along the routes travelled by troops and displaced populations,” said senior author Dr Christiana L. Scheib.

The findings offer new insights into plague outbreaks during the Great Northern War. In Tallinn, for example, plague caused casualties among Swedish and Russian troops as well as civilians during the 1710 siege.

More broadly, the research shows that plague was not a single historical disaster but a recurring threat that devastated cities and regions generation after generation.

Why it matters today

Although plague is no longer a major public health threat in Europe, the disease has not disappeared. Yersinia pestis still survives in natural rodent reservoirs in several parts of the world.

The researchers argue that understanding how plague established itself after the Black Death, persisted for centuries, and eventually disappeared from Europe can help scientists better understand the long-term dynamics of infectious diseases.

By linking ancient plague genomes to historical outbreaks and potential reservoir populations, the study provides new insights into how pandemics emerge, spread and persist over time. Such knowledge may also contribute to modern disease surveillance and public health efforts to monitor contemporary plague foci.

Collaboration across countries and disciplines

The study was made possible through extensive international collaboration. Samples and expertise came from partners across Europe, including researchers at the University of Cambridge and collaborators in the Netherlands and Switzerland. By combining ancient DNA research, archaeology, history, and radiocarbon dating, the team has produced the most comprehensive genetic picture of the Second Plague Pandemic to date and provided new insights into how one of history's deadliest diseases shaped Europe for centuries.

Read more: https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2534899123

Was Nîmes depopulated by the Plague of Cyprian?

 


Analyses of the carbonate deposits in the aqueduct featuring the famous Pont du Gard shed light on the water supply of the ancient city of Nîmes

Peer-Reviewed Publication

Johannes Gutenberg Universitaet Mainz

The Pont du Gard supplied ancient Nîmes with water. 

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The Pont du Gard supplied ancient Nîmes with water.
 

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Credit: photo/©: Meltem Sürmelihindi

Researchers at Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz (JGU) have gleaned new insights into ancient water management in the French region around Nîmes by analyzing carbonate deposits within the Roman aqueduct that features the famous Pont du Gard bridge. Among other findings, the aqueduct – built around 50 AD – was expanded to include an additional water source after eleven years of operation; this event coincided with a historically documented dry spell. A century after the aqueduct's construction, the water supply to the city was deliberately throttled; it is likely that some of the water was diverted to agricultural land in the surrounding area instead. Another 120 years later, the urban water supply ceased completely, coinciding with an empire-wide economic crisis and the Plague of Cyprian (250-270 AD). Nîmes was presumably depopulated by the plague, rendering the water supply to the city unnecessary. "The carbonate deposits document human interventions spanning roughly 300 years during the Pax Romana and also offer insights into social unrest," summarized Dr. Gül Sürmelihindi of JGU’s Institute of Geosciences. The team led by Professor Cees Passchier published the results of the carbonate analysis in the journal Geoarchaeology on September 15.

After eleven years, the aqueduct was expanded to include a second water source

For their study, Sürmelihindi and her colleague Passchier extracted samples of carbonate rock – formed over time by the flowing water – from ten locations along the 50-kilometer-long aqueduct and analyzed the rock layers using isotope analysis. Variations in water inflow and temperature had caused distinct patterns to form within the layers, comparable to tree rings. "At the base of the samples, there is a carbonate layer about two centimeters thick, covered by a thin layer of clay," said Passchier. According to him, the composition of this layer – and especially the clay layer, both of which were deposited during the aqueduct's first eleven years of operation – points to a drought in the western Mediterranean region, an event also documented by the Roman historian Tacitus. "The nature of the carbonate changes in the subsequent layers: after eleven years, a different type of water was introduced. An additional source was tapped to ensure the aqueduct had a sufficient water supply," said Passchier. This correlates with structural modifications to the aqueduct – such as the raising, reinforcing, and partial buttressing of the sidewalls to accommodate the higher water level – that are still visible today on the Pont du Gard bridge.

Powerful figures diverted water

Around 150 AD, the deposited carbonate layers became significantly thinner: the water level in the aqueduct dropped. "About half of the water supplying the city was diverted to irrigate fields – given the large volume, this appears to have been an authorized withdrawal," said Sürmelihindi. Such an arrangement would likely have been possible only for highly influential individuals; furthermore, the city does not seem to have had a critical need for the water. For the next hundred years or so, the aqueduct functioned flawlessly – albeit with a reduced volume of water reaching the city.

Water supply to the city ceases around 270 AD: The Plague of Cyprian?

From the mid-third century onwards, the color and composition of the carbonate changed: it became more porous and incorporated clay and sand – signs that the aqueduct was no longer being well maintained. "Great economic and political turmoil prevailed across many parts of the Roman Empire. The carbonate deposits reveal that the city's condition was deteriorating," said Sürmelihindi. Around 270 AD, carbonate deposition came to an abrupt halt in samples taken near the city: the water supply to Nîmes was completely cut off. Instead, owners of vast estates were diverting the water upstream, as evidenced by the continuous deposition of carbonate in the rural sections of the aqueduct.

"The results suggest that something happened to the population of Nîmes," said Sürmelihindi. "It is possible that the Plague of Cyprian – which is primarily documented in North Africa and even in Rome, where it claimed many lives – also posed a problem in southern France, as suggested by our study’s co-author, Professor Andrew Wilson of the University of Oxford. Not much is known about this plague in Western Europe." Did this epidemic depopulate Nîmes, causing survivors to move from the city to the countryside? Archaeological findings support the hypothesis derived from the carbonate analyses: many cities in southern France contracted at this time, some by barbarian invasions, but some by unexplained reasons. The city of Cahors – located about 300 kilometers west of Nîmes – was also in crisis, a fact revealed by Passchier and Sürmelihindi through their study of local carbonate deposits; this further reinforces the theory regarding the Plague of Cyprian.

In rural areas, however, water from the aqueduct continued to be used for another 140 years, well into the 5th century. People drilled holes into the sidewalls to extract water for agriculture – a practice evidenced by massive limescale deposits on the aqueduct's exterior caused by the resulting leaks. "The city could easily have repaired the aqueduct during those 140 years," says Passchier. "Apparently, however, the decline in population density and urban wealth was permanent."

Little Foot study points to major shift in how human ancestors moved


A major change in how our ancestors moved through their environment took place between about three million and 1.8 million years ago

Peer-Reviewed Publication

University of the Witwatersrand

Little Foot 

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In the foreground (right) is a depiction of an early Homo human ancestor characterized by relatively greater bone strength of the femur in the thigh compared to the humerus in the arm. In the background (left) is a depiction of an older human ancestor, Australopithecus, characterized by more equivalent strength in the bones of the arm and thigh. The authors’ findings document a shift in relative bone strength between these two ancestors, signaling a fundamental change in how they used their upper limb during daily interactions with the surrounding environment. In early Homo ancestors, it appears that the upper limb was no longer appreciably used in weight-bearing activities, such as arboreal movements, that appear to have characterized Australopithecus ancestors.

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Credit: Kris J Carlson

New research on the limb bones of the famous Little Foot skeleton from the Wits Sterkfontein Caves suggests that a major change in how our ancestors moved through their environment took place between about three million and 1.8 million years ago.

The study, published in Science Advances, finds that Australopithecus, the group of hominins that includes Little Foot, combined regular tree-climbing with walking on two legs on the ground. However, by about 1.8 million years ago, early members of the genus Homo appear to have shifted much more strongly towards a life on the ground.

The findings are based on comparisons of the relative strength of arm and leg bones in fossil human ancestors, modern humans and living apes.

Professor Kristian Carlson of the University of Southern California, who is affiliated with the Evolutionary Studies Institute at Wits University, says the results point to a fundamental difference between Australopithecus and later Homo.

“Early human ancestors such as Australopithecus appear to have used trees as much as modern chimpanzees and gorillas do today, but when they were on the ground they were walking on two legs,” Carlson says.

“That combination is important because there is no living species that provides a good behavioural comparison for them.”

The researchers added new data from the approximately 3.67-million-year-old StW 573 skeleton, known as Little Foot, from the Wits Sterkfontein Caves in South Africa, and fossils from Dmanisi in Georgia dating to about 1.8 million years ago.

They compared the strength of bones in the arms and thighs, as well as strength patterns within the lower limbs.

Little Foot and other Australopithecus fossils show relatively strong arms compared with their thighs, a pattern closer to African apes than to modern humans. This suggests their arms were still regularly exposed to the loads associated with climbing and moving in trees.

But Little Foot’s lower limb tells a different story. The relationship between the strength of the thigh and lower-leg bones is closer to the modern human pattern.

“This is one of the most surprising results,” Carlson says. “The Australopithecus individual has a modern human-like signal within the lower limb, while the relationship between the arm and thigh is much more African ape-like.”

He says the combination highlights how unusual Australopithecus locomotion was.

“These ancestors were not simply moving like chimpanzees, nor were they moving like modern humans. They seem to have combined substantial use of trees with regular bipedal walking on the ground.”

In contrast, the Dmanisi fossils and other early Homo and Homo erectus individuals show limb-strength patterns much closer to those of modern humans. The researchers interpret this as evidence that, by about 1.8 million years ago, the human lineage had become far more committed to walking on two legs on the ground and was using trees much less.

The researchers propose that the difference may represent a “threshold” between the adaptive patterns of Australopithecus and Homo, similar to other major changes used to distinguish stages of human evolution.

What caused the shift remains uncertain. The authors suggest it could be linked to changes in ranging, food gathering and other pressures that favoured stronger lower limbs and greater dependence on life on the ground.

They also note that the change took place during a broad period in which brain size was increasing in the human lineage.

“We are not saying that one change caused the other,” Carlson says. “But the timing is intriguing. We hope the possible relationship between changes in limb use, ranging behaviour and brain size will stimulate further discussion.”

The study includes researchers from Wits University’s Evolutionary Studies Institute and the Sterkfontein Caves research programme, together with international collaborators.